September 15, 2026 1:42PM

Who Do Malaysians Want as Their Next Prime Minister?

Malaysia's next Prime Minister will be judged less on party affiliation or name recognition than on whether they look capable, offer a clear direction, and understand the pressures facing ordinary households .

The Malaysia Prime Minister Candidate Study 2026 by Vodus Research examines this leadership landscape by looking beyond a simple popularity ranking. It measures who Malaysians would accept as Prime Minister, who they would choose first, how favourably they view different political leaders, and which leadership qualities most strongly shape those perceptions.

This article focuses on the five candidates recording the highest Prime Minister acceptance in the study: Anwar Ibrahim, Khairy Jamaluddin, Onn Hafiz Ghazi, Rafizi Ramli, and Ahmad Samsuri Mokhtar.

Key Insights

• Malay and Chinese respondents judge leadership differently: strong leadership ranks highest among Malays, while cost of living and jobs matter more among Chinese respondents.
• Anwar’s Malay support varies by age: he leads across all Malay age groups, but his lead narrows among those aged 35–54 as Khairy and Samsuri become more competitive.
• Anwar’s support is strongest in East Malaysia: 41% select him as their Top Choice, compared with 28% in Peninsular Malaysia.
• The leadership formula changes with age: younger and middle-aged voters emphasise leadership, vision, government finances, and cost of living, while older voters place more weight on investment, jobs, and experience.

Research Methodology

The Malaysia Prime Minister Candidate Study 2026 was conducted by Vodus Research using its OMTOS online survey methodology. A total of 1,482 Malaysian adults aged 18 and above nationwide were surveyed, with the sample stratified to mirror the Malaysian population census.

Fieldwork was conducted from 18 August to 1 September 2026. Quality controls included checks for speeders, duplicate responses, and inconsistent answering patterns. Familiarity, PM acceptance, Top Choice, favourability, and candidate rejection were measured separately because each provides a different view of candidate standing.

Anwar Leads, but Acceptance and Preference Tell Different Stories

Anwar Ibrahim currently holds the strongest position among the five candidates.

46% of candidate awarers say they would accept Anwar as Prime Minister, while 34% select him as their Top Choice. Khairy Jamaluddin follows with 32% acceptance and 14% Top Choice, while Onn Hafiz Ghazi and Rafizi Ramli each record 17% acceptance and 8% Top Choice, and Ahmad Samsuri Mokhtar records 13% acceptance and 6% Top Choice.

The distinction between acceptance and Top Choice matters. Acceptance measures whether Malaysians are open to someone becoming Prime Minister. Top Choice goes further by asking whom they actually prefer among the candidates they are willing to consider.

Anwar performs strongly on both measures. His acceptance is substantially ahead of the other four candidates, while his Top Choice support is more than double Khairy’s.

Khairy presents a different picture. Almost one in three candidate awarers would accept him as Prime Minister, but only 14% currently make him their first choice. This suggests his challenge is less about whether Malaysians can imagine him in the role and more about converting that openness into stronger active preference.

A similar pattern appears for Onn Hafiz and Rafizi, although from a smaller starting point. Both attract more acceptance than first-choice support.

The PM race therefore cannot be understood simply by asking who Malaysians are willing to accept. A competitive candidate also needs to turn that openness into preference.

Rejection Can Limit How Far a Candidate Can Grow

Support tells only part of the story. The study also looks at how many Malaysians say they definitely would not want a particular candidate as Prime Minister.

This is reflected in Net Acceptance, calculated as PM Acceptance minus Candidate Rejection. Anwar records the strongest Net Acceptance among the five at +19 percentage points, followed by Khairy at +15, Onn Hafiz at +6, Samsuri at +3, and Rafizi at -3.

The contrast between Anwar and Samsuri illustrates how rejection can shape future growth. Anwar already has the broadest support, but his 27% rejection creates a higher ceiling to overcome. Samsuri, by comparison, has only 10% rejection and much lower familiarity at 32%, suggesting greater room to grow if higher awareness translates into consideration and support.

This means a candidate’s future potential depends not only on how much support they already have, but also on how much resistance they need to overcome.

Being Well Liked Is Not the Same as Being the Preferred PM

The picture changes again when Malaysians are asked how favourably they view the candidates personally.

Khairy records the highest Net Favourability Score among the five at +51 points, followed by Samsuri at +44, Onn Hafiz at +43, Anwar at +39, and Rafizi at +32. 

This reveals one of the clearest findings from the study: Malaysians appear to distinguish between liking a political leader and wanting that person to become Prime Minister.

Khairy demonstrates this most clearly. His personal favourability is the strongest among the five, and his PM acceptance is relatively high, but his Top Choice support remains considerably below Anwar’s.

Samsuri and Onn Hafiz show another version of the same pattern. Both have strong personal favourability, yet lower national familiarity limits how far those positive perceptions currently translate into PM consideration.

Anwar occupies a different position. He has the strongest PM candidacy and greatest national reach, although he does not lead on personal favourability.

Being well liked is therefore an advantage, but it does not automatically translate into national leadership preference.

What Do Malaysians Want From Their Next Prime Minister?

The candidate results become more meaningful when viewed against the leadership qualities Malaysians value.

The study’s statistical driver analysis finds that being seen as a strong and capable leader has the strongest relationship with candidate favourability, recording a regression coefficient of 53.

Having a clear vision for Malaysia and being able to manage government finances follow closely at 52. Addressing the cost of living, supporting vulnerable Malaysians, improving financial wellbeing, and understanding ordinary Malaysians each record 51.

No single trait dominates, the gap between the top driver (53) and the seventh (51) is within noise. Voters aren't picking one quality; they're pricing in all of them at once.

Instead, Malaysians appear to want a combination of leadership strength, national direction, and practical delivery. A candidate needs to look capable of governing, articulate where Malaysia should be heading, and show that national progress can translate into better outcomes in people’s everyday lives.

This also helps explain why personal popularity alone may not be enough. A candidate may be well regarded but still struggle to build PM support if Malaysians are not convinced of their ability to manage the economy, lead effectively, or deliver practical improvements.

Different Malaysians Put Different Weight on Leadership

The broad expectations are similar across the electorate, but different demographic groups emphasise different qualities.

Among Malay respondents, strong and capable leadership is the top favourability driver, followed by a clear vision for Malaysia and the ability to manage government finances. Understanding ordinary Malaysians and being willing to take tough or decisive decisions also rank highly.

Chinese respondents place comparatively greater emphasis on economic and household outcomes. Addressing the cost of living, creating jobs and opportunities, improving financial wellbeing, and managing government finances are among their strongest drivers.

Age also changes the emphasis. Among respondents aged 25 to 54, clear vision, strong leadership, government finances, and cost of living repeatedly emerge as important. Those aged 55 and above stand apart by placing greater weight on foreign investment, financial wellbeing, job creation, leadership experience, and foreign affairs.

This means there is no single leadership proposition that will resonate equally with every Malaysian. Candidates need broad national appeal, but different groups may arrive at their judgement through different considerations.

Each Candidate Has a Different Route to Growth

The five candidates are not simply positioned at different levels of the same ranking. Their strengths and barriers differ.

Anwar’s image is particularly associated with foreign affairs, experience to lead Malaysia, attracting foreign investment, and governance. Among respondents who view him favourably, his ability to grow the economy and create opportunities is his strongest positive association. At the same time, concerns around trust, understanding ordinary Malaysians, and the cost of living remain key vulnerabilities.

Khairy’s image is more strongly anchored in leadership capability, national vision, and understanding ordinary Malaysians. Among those who view him favourably, being a strong and capable leader is his most prominent positive association. His challenge is turning that strong personal image into greater first-choice support.

Onn Hafiz performs particularly well on decisiveness, understanding ordinary Malaysians, leading a competent team, and infrastructure and development. His constraint is different. With national familiarity at 42%, many Malaysians may still not know him well enough for his positive image to translate into stronger PM consideration.

Samsuri also records strong personal equity. He performs well on understanding ordinary Malaysians, managing government finances, governance, and trustworthiness. However, familiarity stands at only 32%, meaning his positive image currently exists within a narrower national footprint.

Rafizi is more strongly associated with governance and reform-oriented qualities. His favourable perceptions centre on good governance, national vision, and trustworthiness. However, weaker perceptions around living standards, economic delivery, and leadership strength constrain his broader PM position.

The five candidates therefore face different tasks. Anwar must defend his broad lead while addressing trust and everyday-delivery concerns. Khairy needs to convert positive sentiment into stronger preference. Onn Hafiz and Samsuri need wider national reach. Rafizi needs to strengthen perceptions of practical delivery and leadership capability.

Capability Leads, but Identity Still Matters

Performance is not the only consideration shaping Malaysians’ expectations of a Prime Minister.

When respondents are asked whether capability or race and religion matter more, 54% prioritise the candidate’s ability and capability. Another 31% say both are equally important, while 13% place greater emphasis on race and religion. 

Yet when the requirements are asked separately, 54% say Malaysia’s Prime Minister must be Bumiputera and 57% say the Prime Minister must be Muslim.

These findings suggest capability and identity are not necessarily competing considerations.

For many Malaysians, capability may shape whether someone is considered an effective leader, while identity continues to influence expectations around who should occupy the office.

The difference by ethnicity is particularly clear. Among Malay respondents, 43% say capability is more important than race or religion, compared with 75% of Chinese respondents. At the same time, 76% of Malays say the Prime Minister must be Bumiputera and 82% say the Prime Minister must be Muslim. Among Chinese respondents, the corresponding figures are 10% and 13%.

Capability and identity aren't a trade-off for most Malaysians, they're a checklist. A candidate can clear the competence bar and still fail the eligibility one.

East Malaysia Shows a Different Leadership Pattern

Geography adds another layer to how Malaysians evaluate potential Prime Ministers.

Among Malay respondents, East Malaysia stands out as more capability-first than the Peninsular regions. Some 55% of East Malaysian Malays say capability is more important than race or religion, compared with 39% to 44% across the Peninsular regional cuts. East Malaysian Malays are also less likely to insist that the Prime Minister must be Bumiputera or Muslim than Malays across most Peninsular regions.

This is notable because East Malaysia is also Anwar’s strongest region for Top Choice. His Top Choice reaches 41% there, compared with 32% in Central, 29% in Northern, 27% in Southern, and 21% in the East Coast.

Anwar’s stronger support in East Malaysia may partly reflect his administration’s greater focus on Sabah and Sarawak, including progress on MA63-related matters, Sabah’s revenue entitlements, and Sarawak’s greater control over its resources. These moves have kept federal delivery, state rights, and fiscal fairness highly visible in the region, which may have strengthened perceptions of Anwar’s leadership there.

The East Coast presents a different political environment. Anwar and Rafizi face greater resistance there, where PAS has traditionally been influential and identity and religious expectations are more prominent. The survey also shows particularly strong rejection of both candidates among Samsuri supporters: 40% reject Anwar and 40% reject Rafizi. As Samsuri is a senior PAS leader, this suggests that part of the resistance facing Anwar and Rafizi is concentrated among voters aligned with the PAS-oriented political constituency.

The broader implication is that Malaysia does not behave as one uniform political market. Regional policy priorities, identity expectations, and perceptions of federal delivery can all shape how leadership is judged.

The Malay Electorate Changes the Picture Again

Among Malay voters, Anwar leads on first-choice preference, while Khairy holds the strongest balance of acceptance over rejection.

Anwar remains the leading Top Choice among Malays at 28%, ahead of Khairy at 16%. Onn Hafiz and Samsuri each record 9%, while Rafizi stands at 5%.

However, Khairy records the strongest Net Acceptance among Malays at +16 percentage points, followed by Onn Hafiz and Samsuri at +11 each. Anwar remains positive at +6, while Rafizi records -14.

The distinction between preference and acceptance is again important. Anwar has the strongest first-choice position among Malay respondents, while Khairy has the stronger balance between acceptance and rejection.

The Malay electorate itself is also far from uniform. Anwar leads Top Choice across age and gender groups, but his lead is narrower among Malays aged 35 to 54. Khairy becomes relatively more competitive among these middle-aged voters, while Samsuri gains relevance from age 45 onwards.

Malaysia’s PM Race Is Ultimately About Reach and Fit

The Malaysia Prime Minister Candidate Study 2026 suggests there is currently a clear leader in the race, but no candidate dominates every dimension of leadership equity.

Anwar has the strongest overall PM position and greatest national reach. Khairy has the strongest personal favourability and substantial acceptance but has yet to convert this fully into first-choice support. Onn Hafiz and Samsuri have relatively strong leadership profiles but lower national familiarity. Rafizi has established recognition and clear governance credentials but faces questions around leadership strength and practical delivery.

What Malaysians appear to want is more demanding than simple popularity.

They are looking for someone who can combine strength with delivery, national vision with economic competence, and leadership with an understanding of the pressures facing ordinary Malaysians.

The challenge for each candidate is therefore not simply to become better known or better liked. It is to demonstrate that their particular strengths match what enough Malaysians expect from the person who leads the country.

The full Malaysia Prime Minister Candidate Study 2026 contains the complete candidate landscape, detailed demographic and regional analysis, candidate-specific favourability drivers, leadership expectations, and individual candidate profiles.